{"id":673,"date":"2026-07-21T15:11:18","date_gmt":"2026-07-21T15:11:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=673"},"modified":"2026-07-21T15:11:18","modified_gmt":"2026-07-21T15:11:18","slug":"this-is-how-we-close-the-camps","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=673","title":{"rendered":"This Is How We Close the Camps"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

On January 20, 2025, the first day of his second term, Trump issued an executive order, \u201cProtecting the American People from Invasion,\u201d instructing the secretary of homeland security to \u201cpromptly take all appropriate action\u2026to detain removable aliens.\u201d<\/p>\n

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In July of that year, Trump signed the 2025 Reconciliation Bill, the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill, allocating more than $170 billion over four years for border and interior enforcement, with a stated goal of deporting one million immigrants a year\u2014roughly three times the previous record for formal deportations. That\u2019s more than the yearly budget for all the country\u2019s local and state law enforcement agencies combined. It gives ICE a bigger budget than all but 15 of the world\u2019s militaries, about $75 billion over four years, or about $18.7 billion annually. Added to the $10 billion Congress had already appropriated for ICE for fiscal year 2025, the agency suddenly had $28.7 billion to wreak havoc with. That\u2019s $23 billion more than the agency was allocated in 2010.<\/p>\n

Two-thirds of that funding\u2014$45 billion over four years\u2014will be used for detention camps, locking up potentially more than 100,000 people per year. The $11.25 billion added to ICE\u2019s annual detention budget makes for a 400 percent increase from the previous year. It surpasses the 2026 Department of Justice budget request for the federal prison system, which holds 155,000 people. In October of 2025, CNN reported that DHS was planning to funnel as much as $10 billion from the US Navy to build camps with capacities of 10,000 people.<\/p>\n

In May 2025, White House deputy chief of staff and longtime anti-immigrant zealot Stephen Miller said that the Trump administration was \u201cactively looking at\u201d suspending habeas corpus, one of the bedrock legal principles of modern democracies, first articulated more than 800 years ago in the Magna Carta. Habeas corpus, Latin for \u201cproduce the body,\u201d protects a person from illegal or arbitrary detention. That September, the Board of Immigration Appeals (unlike other courts, the BIA is part of the executive branch, thus ultimately controlled by the president) ruled that no undocumented migrants who entered the country without inspection would be eligible for release on bond. So-called discretionary releases dropped by 87 percent. In other words, the camp became mandatory: indefinite detention without the benefit of due process or trial by jury.<\/p>\n

The result of indiscriminate detention\u2014combined with the unleashing of ICE, Border Patrol, and the US military to American streets\u2014is a state of despotism, suffering, and death. The number of \u201cat-large\u201d arrests\u2014arrests conducted in communities\u2014rose by 600 percent, and the number of people arrested who had no criminal record rose by 2,450 percent. Prior ICE guidance to limit agents from tracking people down and arresting them at schools, hospitals, and places of worship was revoked. For anyone who still thought citizenship conferred protection from the onslaught, the first nine months of the Trump administration poured cold water on that misconception. ProPublica<\/em> counted nearly 200 US citizens arrested, including at least 20 children, two of whom had cancer. In one case, four US citizen children were held for 20 days in a cement-floor ten-by-ten cell with nothing but thin mats to lie on and a toilet in the corner. In Minneapolis, immigration officers identified and tracked down citizens at their homes. In the first weeks of 2026, immigration officers also assassinated two US citizens, Ren\u00e9e Good and Alex Pretti, for getting in their way.<\/p>\n

And ICE, ever eager for more personnel, began offering a $50,000 sign-on bonus for new recruits. Reporting in early 2026 showed that ICE was spending $100 million in a \u201cwartime recruitment\u201d effort, lowering their hiring standards, deploying overtly white supremacist tropes in their hiring ads and, according to one DHS official speaking anonymously, signing on people who can \u201cbarely read or write.\u201d Training time for the recruits was cut by two-thirds. In an adulatory, dear-leader-like move, the new training period was set to 47 days\u2014a direct nod to Trump, the 47th president.<\/p>\n

At the same time, what methods of accountability exist, meager as they are, are being dismantled. Members of Congress, despite express legal authority permitting their access, are increasingly barred from entering detention camps. Offices tasked with monitoring civil rights abuses have been shuttered or gutted. Fees for asylum and other humanitarian protections have been jacked up to levels most people cannot pay. What emerges is not just a system of detention but one of attrition and exclusion\u2014designed to enrich contractors, incite fear, stoke nationalist fervor, and sever immigrants from the thinnest remaining threads of due process.\u00a0 <\/p>\n

Amid the intentional cruelty, puerile symbolism, and rapid camp expansion, private prison firms are circling the halls of power. To illustrate the rapidly revolving door between ICE and the private sector\u2014or the camp as cash machine\u2014consider Daniel A. Bible, who worked as ICE\u2019s top official in charge of immigration detention until he was hired by GEO Group, alongside CoreCivic the largest private prison company in the country, days before the 2024 presidential election. That same year, while GEO Group donated $1 million to Trump-aligned political action committees, according to an article from the Project on Government Oversight (POGO), ICE committed $747.4 million in contracts to the company\u2014a pretty damn good return on investment. In an earnings call held just days after Trump won the election, and with Bible already on the payroll, Geo Group predicted a $400 million boost in company revenue.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe system hasn\u2019t malfunctioned,\u201d as C\u00e9sar Cuauht\u00e9moc Garc\u00eda Hern\u00e1ndez writes in Migrating to Prison. \u201cIt was intended to punish, stigmatize, and marginalize\u2014all for political and financial gain.\u201d In May, the CEO of CoreCivic told investors, \u201cNever in our 42-year company history have we had so much activity and demand for our services as we are seeing right now.\u201d<\/p>\n

As I write these words, reports break that ICE plans to expand its total camp capacity in the US to 108,000 beds. As you read these words, that number may have already been reached, or surpassed, or perhaps pushback and shutdown campaigns have slowed or even reversed the expansion. None of it is enough. Until we, as a society, reject the camp and its logic, the camp will remain a threat. And not only a threat, but the linchpin in the entire immigration enforcement regime.<\/p>\n

A camp is close to where you live, work, organize. Camps are nearly everywhere, with hundreds of \u201cdetention centers,\u201d \u201cprocessing centers,\u201d \u201cholding facilities,\u201d as well as leased local jail and prison cells in every state of America and in many countries throughout the world. We are building more of them and locking away more people. A camp warps and degrades reality both for those in fear of ending up in one and for those living alongside them. Our decisions as a society, meanwhile, are uprooting more and more people from their homes, pushing people to flee, and failing to meet them with the protection, basic rights, freedom, or dignity they seek. The question we must ask about closing the camp is not if or why or when, but only how.<\/p>\n

To be able to close a camp, we must understand what a camp is. We must look at campaigns to close or block camps since the first of them\u2014the reservations, the ships, the \u201cChinese jails\u201d and Ellis and Angel Islands\u2014opened and understand what those fights accomplished and how. More than a century of resistance, refusal, and grassroots activism has taught us that we need to pry into the legal, practical, and political mechanisms of how camps are built and function.<\/p>\n

The proliferation of the camp is very likely to accelerate. We have seen the camp expanded and redeployed in the past to target not just migrants but also racialized groups and so-called political subversives. During the internment period in the 1940s, the US built and operated ten large concentration camps. As historian Brianna Nol explains, once the infrastructure is built out, it is utilized, and targeted populations can shift and expand. \u201cWhen the INS [Immigration and Naturalization Service] moved noncitizens to internment camps, it placed them on the same deportation trains, supervised by the same deportation officers who had expelled thousands of migrants from the United States in the prior two decades,\u201d Nol writes. The mechanism of the camp can be universally deployed. As a tool, it can manacle any neck\u2014 native or newcomer.<\/p>\n

Stakes are high. The status quo is frightening, and the near future is likely significantly worse. But pessimism, as the saying goes, is a luxury we can\u2019t afford. \u201cI know that what I am asking is impossible,\u201d James Baldwin wrote in 1963. \u201cBut in our time, as in every time, the impossible is the least that one can demand.\u201d The demand is to close the camp.<\/p>\n

What is a camp? What are these tools of containment and torture, these embodiments of fear and banners of nationalist violence? A camp\u2014prisons or jails built or operated to lock up migrants\u2014is society seeing certain groups of people as unwanted and disposable. A camp is a distraction from entrenched political failure\u2014scapegoating \u201cthe other\u201d for societal deterioration, underfunded public education and declining literacy, expensive and inconsistently available healthcare, and ethical anomie. A camp is a refusal to take responsibility for or reckon with the cataclysm of climate change, war, economic terrorism, and the normalization of pervasive neglect, disregard of the rule of law, and chasmic and ever-widening inequalities. A camp is a society turning its back on a basic sense of morality.<\/p>\n

An immigration detention camp is not the same as a prisoner of war camp, a refugee or displaced person camp, a forced labor camp, a concentration camp, or an extermination camp. Within each of these categories, levels of confinement, savagery, lawlessness, and dehumanization vary. Yet they are of the same genus, and it is revealing to articulate the similarities between them, and what distinguishes a camp from a prison, or camp life from noncamp life (even when that includes ghettoes, slums, favelas, or other structural conditions of precarization and expropriation that can generate camplike conditions).<\/p>\n

While it\u2019s important not to elide historical variance, the word camp maintains shades of its superlative forms\u2014concentration or extermination camps\u2014and those shades are germane, and why I believe camp is most apt for immigration detention. Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben calls the variations of camp a \u201cprogression,\u201d suggesting it isn\u2019t so hard to cross the line from a camp that confines people to one that hastens social or legal death\u2014and ultimately to one that exterminates.<\/p>\n

All camps strip people of, or at least diminish, their legal personhood. And while people held in immigration camps are not completely outside the sphere of law, they are mocked by the law. Given immigration courts\u2019 clear kangaroo characteristics\u2014including mass trials and the fact that both judge and prosecutor work for the same boss, the executive branch\u2014it is a stretch to say that immigrants are afforded any semblance of justice. As Dan Stone, author of A Very Short Introduction to Concentration Camps<\/em>, writes of people held in immigration camps, \u201cThey are very close to falling into [philosopher Hannah] Arendt\u2019s category of the superfluous stateless person from whom the \u2018right to have rights\u2019 has been removed.\u201d<\/p>\n

The immigration camp, as I define it, is the carceral confinement and control of people deemed unwanted or \u201cout of place.\u201d A society might designate an individual or community as unwanted to maintain a racial order, exploit surplus labor, neutralize a perceived political threat, or try to distract from societal ills. They do so by targeting, marginalizing, and scapegoating those individuals or communities. And while that targeting is typically focused on migrants\u2014as we\u2019re using the term here\u2014it\u2019s important to avoid overreliance on or simplification of that designation: Nonmigrants, including citizens, are also interrogated by immigration agents and sometimes arrested and held in camps to be deported.<\/p>\n

While immigration camps also share similarities with prisons and jails, they are categorically different. People held in camps are being confined (in effect, punished) not for something they allegedly did but because of who or where they are. This constitutes an even more penetrating attack on their personhood. Deep within its very definition, a camp carries a dangerous, manufactured distinction between people. The existence of the camp is an a priori conception that some people belong and others do not, that some people have rightful claims to territory or rights and others do not.<\/p>\n

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In other words, and importantly, the idea of the camp extends beyond its physical structure. People don\u2019t have to be confined within the walls of the camp to be consigned to the camp\u2019s violence, logic, and reach.<\/p>\n

While the word \u201ccamp\u201d in this context most obviously calls to mind the concentration camps that killed millions in the Holocaust, we can look to US history for two blueprints for the modern immigration camp: the Indian reservations and the Japanese American internment camps. Historian Kathleen DuVal, in Native Nations<\/em>, writes that the 1830 Indian Removal Act resulted in \u201cone of the country\u2019s most extreme violations of sovereignty and human rights, [when] it ultimately expelled tens of thousands of people from their homes and crowded them into Indian Territory.\u201d While the move was based in 19th-century law, its motivations had roots in the nation\u2019s founding. Thomas Jefferson, for example, insisted in 1780 that the Shawnee people move west or be wiped out because \u201cthe same world will scarcely do for them and us.\u201d<\/p>\n

Jefferson\u2019s quip captures a fundamental logic of the camp: an unwillingness to share space. Both the reservation system and, later, Indian boarding schools were designed to restrict mobility, to detain (or encamp), and obliterate difference through violence\u2014setting a precedent still followed today in cultural, political, legal, and physical attacks against immigrants. \u201cYou are not allowed to be here\u201d is only a few steps away\u2014and sometimes no steps away\u2014from \u201cYou are not allowed to be.\u201d That is the continuum we reject when we reject the camp.<\/p>\n

Even before the United States was founded, Spanish colonizers in the Southwest in the 1600s implemented the strategy of reducci\u00f3n to try to corral and immobilize Native populations. As Duval explains, the Spanish \u201caimed to \u2018reduce\u2019 Native people from what they saw as their barbarous nomadic way of life into the concentrated and permanent towns like those of Spain.\u201d The reducci\u00f3n (and later the reservation system), the border wall, and immigration detention are variations on a single architecture.<\/p>\n

Modern US immigration camps can take many forms. They can be privately run detention centers, federally owned service-processing centers, \u201cshort term\u201d Border Patrol holding facilities, massive clusters of tents on military bases, or cells in local jails. They are occasionally hotel rooms. Camps also include so-called alternatives to detention: Nearly 400,000 migrants in the US, at a peak in 2022, were shackled with electronic monitoring devices or under other forms of \u201csupervision\u201d and surveillance.<\/p>\n

We also need to look beyond borders to the international outsourcing of camps. By 2025, the United States relied on a global constellation of camps to lock up migrants, including at its naval base at Guant\u00e1namo, a shipping container on a military base in Djibouti, a gulag in El Salvador, a \u201cmigrant care\u201d center in Costa Rica, and a hotel in Panama. In the summer of 2025, the Trump administration rendered eight men to South Sudan and five men to the small African nation of Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland. None of the five sent to Eswatini had ever been there before, and they weren\u2019t told where they were being sent, by military transport plane, until minutes before they touched down. They were later incarcerated in a maximum-security prison.<\/p>\n

\u201cMass incarceration is mass elimination,\u201d writes historian Kelly Lytle Hern\u00e1ndez in City of Inmates: Conquest, Rebellion, and the Rise of Human Caging in Los Angeles, 1771\u20131965<\/em>. \u201cIncarceration operates as a means of purging, removing, caging, containing, erasing, disappearing, and eliminating targeted populations from land, life, and society in the United States.\u201d That is the logic of the camp: fear, hate, punishment, torture, banishment, death.<\/p>\n

Polish sociologist Zygmunt Bauman called the 20th century \u201cthe century of camps.\u201d Only a quarter of the way through the 21st century, let these hundred years not be a repeat, or worse.<\/p>\n

The first and crucial step to closing a camp is being against the camp.<\/p>\n

Not a camp, not that camp, not a newly proposed camp or this particularly atrocious camp. But against camp as concept, against camp as practice\u2014against all camps. Against locking people up because of where they were born or where they are.<\/p>\n

More practically\u2014and also key to closing a camp\u2014is the understanding that immigration detention camps are not abstract federal machines. They are, rather, deeply embedded in local political economies: counties that sign contracts with ICE, private prison companies that seek zoning permits and tax breaks, local health departments that license medical providers, and municipal governments that issue permits for food services and utility hookups. Every one of these nodes is a potential pressure point.<\/p>\n

Camps can\u2019t be built and can\u2019t be run without the land sales, the staffing, or the licensing, permitting, and accreditation that legitimize them. They can\u2019t be built without enough people saying OK, turning their heads, remaining insulated from the horrors of the camp. Camps depend on the political will to build and maintain them. At the same time, they are susceptible to the will to shutter and repurpose them. A camp is a long series of choices that need frequent reaffirmation.<\/p>\n

We can make different choices.<\/p>\n

The campaigns that have forced ICE out of jail wings and shuttered entire facilities offer a potential playbook for the first steps: Document abuses closely with people inside; build durable relationships across bars and across faith and community groups; focus on contracts, licensing, and permitting vulnerabilities; and convert local moral outrage into national pressure. At the Etowah County Detention Center in Alabama, organizers from Adelante and Detention Watch Network spent 14 years recording medical neglect, prolonged solitary confinement, and pandemic-era mistreatment while maintaining steady lines of communication with those detained.<\/p>\n

That patient, yearslong, relationship-driven organizing\u2014regular visits, call-in campaigns, public vigils, and coordinated protests with national partners\u2014helped make Etowah a liability for officials and ultimately led ICE, in 2022, to terminate its contract. <\/p>\n

The impacts of shutting down a camp reverberate beyond the physical structure. The yearslong effort to shutter the West County Detention Facility in California, for example, was successful, but the impact was mixed. While the camp itself was closed, people held in the facility were mostly transferred, not released. And yet, there were other effects, including a reduction in local immigration enforcement activity. A , \u201cLessons from the ICE Detention Contract Termination in Contra Costa County, CA, \u201dcites evidence \u201cthat fewer people from Northern California are now being detained. ICE itself has admitted as much, pointing to reductions in bed space as a \u2018challenge\u2019 to their operations.\u201d The finding \u201csuggests closing detention facilities doesn\u2019t just redirect immigration detention; it actually bites away at it. Less bed space makes it harder to house, detain, and deport people.\u201d<\/p>\n

A separate study backs that claim: An immigrant is more than twice as likely to be arrested in a county with capacity to detain more than 50 people in ICE custody than in a county that has less or no camp capacity. When a county has 850 or more detention beds, the likelihood of an immigrant being arrested is about six and a half times higher than if the county has none. Not only is the camp a danger to those inside of it; crucially, it is a constant threat to those outside of it as well. If you don\u2019t want ICE prowling your neighborhood, it will help to close your neighborhood camp. If you don\u2019t want ICE prowling at all, close all the camps.<\/p>\n

The epilogue to Etowah\u2019s closure, however, is a story of backslide. In 2025, barely three years after the last detainees were transferred, local sheriffs and federal officials conspired to reopen the jail\u2019s cells to immigrant incarceration\u2014a reminder that shutdown victories, absent structural guarantees or systemic change or repurposing, are fragile and reversible.<\/p>\n

For the campaigners who understand their struggle in longer historical rhythms\u2014from Reconstruction-era racial policing to the present convergence of immigration enforcement and mass incarceration\u2014the lesson is unmistakable: To close a camp is not only to terminate a contract but to ensure the permanence of its obsolescence, whether through demolition, political covenant, or transformation into something wholly incapable of caging human beings.<\/p>\n

Or better: rebuilding a society that doesn\u2019t rely on camps. Only then can the dismantling of the carceral state become irreversible.<\/p>\n

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