{"id":358,"date":"2026-06-18T06:07:50","date_gmt":"2026-06-18T06:07:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=358"},"modified":"2026-06-18T06:07:50","modified_gmt":"2026-06-18T06:07:50","slug":"this-week-in-nation-history-eight-decades-of-hannah-arendt-and-her-critics","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=358","title":{"rendered":"This Week in \u2018Nation\u2019 History: Eight Decades of Hannah Arendt and Her Critics"},"content":{"rendered":"<article>\n<div>\n<div>\n<article>\n<header>\n<div>\n<ul>\n<li>Books &amp; the Arts<\/li>\n<li>November 16, 2013<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h1>This Week in \u2018Nation\u2019 History: Eight Decades of Hannah Arendt and Her Critics<\/h1>\n<h1>This Week in \u2018Nation\u2019 History: Eight Decades of Hannah Arendt and Her Critics<\/h1>\n<h2>\n<p>Arendt&#8217;s life and work have been debated in our pages possibly more than those of any other twentieth-century philosopher.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=356\">The Troublemakers of the Labor Movement Are Still Fighting\u2014and Winning<\/a><\/p>\n<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<section>\n<time>November 16, 2013<\/time><\/p>\n<div>\n<p>Searching for more information on a New York\u2013based journalist named \u201cAlbert Canus\u201d\u2014who the State Department had singled out to the FBI as a habitual filer of \u201cinaccurate reports which are unfavorable to the public interest of this country\u201d\u2014J. Edgar Hoover closely studied Hannah Arendt\u2019s essay \u201cFrench Existentialism\u201d in the February 23, 1946, issue of <em>The Nation<\/em>\u2014one of the first descriptions in the American press of the philosophical phenomenon then sweeping through Europe. It would be interesting to know what Hoover made of such passages as the one where Arendt explained the existentialists\u2019 objections to bourgeois notions of \u201crespectability\u201d:\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>The \u201cserious\u201d man is one who thinks of himself <em>as <\/em>president of his business, <em>as <\/em>a member of the Legion of Honor, <em>as<\/em> a member of the faculty, but also <em>as <\/em>father<em>, as<\/em> husband, or as any other half-natural, half-social function. For by doing so he agrees to the identification of himself with an arbitrary function which society has bestowed. <em>L\u2019esprit s\u00e9rieux <\/em>is the very negation of freedom, because it leads man to agree to and accept the necessary deformation which every human being must undergo when he is fitted into society.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>\u201cDeformation,\u201d Hoover may have whispered to himself, gazing out the window. \u201cDeformation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>On the next page he would have read Arendt\u2019s description of the existentialists\u2019 \u201cinsistence upon the basic homelessness of man in the world.\u201d<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>For Camus man is essentially the stranger because the world in general and man as man are not fitted for each other; that they are together in existence makes the human condition an absurdity. Man is the only \u201cthing\u201d in the world which obviously does not belong in it, for only man does not exist simply as a man among men in the way animals exist among animals and trees among trees\u2014all of which necessarily exist, so to speak, in the plural. Man is basically alone with his \u201crevolt\u201d and his \u201cclairvoyance,\u201d that is, with his reasoning, which makes him ridiculous because the gift of reason was bestowed upon him in a world \u201cwhere everything is given and nothing ever explained.\u201d\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>\u201cAlone with his clairvoyance\u201d may have tossed around the Hoover mind for some time to come.<\/p>\n<p><em>* * *<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In next week\u2019s issue, essayist, journalist and <em>Nation<\/em> contributor of several decades David Rieff reviews Margarethe von Trotta\u2019s recent biopic, <em>Hannah Arendt<\/em>, which focuses on the events surrounding the publication of her controversial <em>Eichmann in Jerusalem <\/em>(1963). In that book, Arendt introduced the phrase \u201cthe banality of evil\u201d to describe the defendant as a go-along-to-get-along functionary whose monstrous crimes were largely the result of unthinking conformity rather than diabolic anti-Semitism. But loyal readers of this magazine and of Arendt, as well as viewers of von Trotta\u2019s film, are probably unaware that during her years in New York City during and immediately after World War II, Arendt contributed a series of essays to <em>The Nation<\/em>, including the one on \u201cFrench Existentialism,\u201d many of which telegraphed the themes of her later, more controversial work.<\/p>\n<section>\n<div>\n<div>\n<h2>Popular<\/h2>\n<p><span><span>&#8220;swipe left below to view more authors&#8221;<\/span>Swipe \u2192<\/span>\n<\/div>\n<ol>\n<li>\n<div>\n<div>\n<h3>\n<span>The Framework for the Iran Peace Deal Means Total Humiliation for Trump<\/span><\/p>\n<p>                The Framework for the Iran Peace Deal Means Total Humiliation for Trump<\/p>\n<\/h3>\n<p>\nDavid Faris <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<div>\n<div>\n<h3>\n<span>How a Collective Dedicated to Black Liberation and Indigenous Sovereignty Is Reclaiming the Story of America<\/span><\/p>\n<p>                How a Collective Dedicated to Black Liberation and Indigenous Sovereignty Is Reclaiming the Story of America<\/p>\n<\/h3>\n<p>\nFatima B. Jalloh <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<div>\n<div>\n<h3>\n<span>Americans Are Reaching a Financial Breaking Point<\/span><\/p>\n<p>                Americans Are Reaching a Financial Breaking Point<\/p>\n<\/h3>\n<p>\nKali Holloway <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<div>\n<div>\n<h3>\n<span>The Troubled History of Charlottesville <\/span><\/p>\n<p>                The Troubled History of Charlottesville <\/p>\n<\/h3>\n<p>\nBooks &amp; the Arts<br \/>\n<span><br \/>\n                            \/<br \/>\n                        <\/span><br \/>\nJos\u00e9 Sanchez <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<p>Randall Jarrell, who briefly served as interim literary editor of <em>The Nation <\/em>in 1946, was one of Arendt\u2019s closest friends during those New York years, when she worked as an editor for Schocken Books. According to the late Arendt biographer Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, Jarrell was translating German poetry at the time, which Arendt helped him with and tried, but failed, to convince Schocken to publish. Jarrell, in turn, commissioned from Arendt a series of short book reviews on topics ranging from the songs of Robert Gilbert to her new friend Hermann Broch\u2019s novel <em>The Death of Virgil<\/em> to the collected essays of the philosopher John Dewey. It is striking to see Arendt discuss in that last article the connection between \u201cscientific planning\u201d and the Holocaust\u2014one of the major themes of <em>Eichmann in Jerusalem<\/em>\u2014with the same kind of empathy for its victims in which she was later charged with being deficient:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Dewey earnestly holds that the source of all the social and political evils of our time is laissez faire\u2026but a glance at today\u2019s or yesterday\u2019s newspaper invariably teaches us that hell can be properly established only through the very opposite of laissez faire, through scientific planning. (This, of course, does not say anything against science as such.) Even more out of tune with reality are Dewey\u2019s complacent judgments on those evil times of the past in which men were still slaves and serfs; only a great scholar living in the ivory tower of common sense could be so completely unaware of the fact that certain categories of men today are far worse off than any slave or serf ever was. Nor do we need to evoke the extremities of the death factories. Concentration camps have outlived the downfall of the Nazi regime and are accepted as a matter of course; their inmates belong to a new class of human beings who have lost even the elementary human usefulness for society as a whole of which slaves and serfs were never deprived.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Arendt went on to take issue with the fundamental premises of Dewey\u2019s pragmatic philosophy: namely, that the conceptual tools of science could be usefully applied to studying and improving human affairs.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>The intention of this approach is certainly humanistic in essence; it tries sincerely to humanize science, to make scientific results usable for the human community. The trouble is only that, at the same time, science, and not man, takes the lead in the argument, with the result that man is degraded into a puppet which through education\u2014through \u201cformation of attitudes,\u201d through \u201ctechniques for dealing with human nature\u201d\u2014has to be fitted into a scientifically controlled world. As though it was not man who invented science but some superhuman ghost who prepared this world of ours and only, through some incomprehensible obliviousness, forgot to change man into a scientific animal; as though man\u2019s problem were to conform and to adjust himself to some abstract niceties. As though science could ever be more than man; and, consequently, as though such a gap between scientific and social knowledge could ever be more than wishful thinking.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p><em>***<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Though Arendt did not again contribute to <em>The Nation<\/em> after 1946, our Books and the Arts section covered her career almost every step of the way\u2014<em>almost<\/em>, because the controversy that raged around her \u201cbanality of evil\u201d thesis in <em>Eichmann in Jerusalem<\/em> somehow received no notice in our pages until 1969, when in a review of another Arendt book, the late political theorist and historian Paul Roazen said <em>Eichmann <\/em>\u201cremains a shocker\u2014for the terrible historical tale it tells, for the trial it records, and for the viewpoint it presents.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>As with Rieff\u2019s essay, <em>Nation <\/em>writers have always had a strikingly mixed reaction to Arendt\u2019s books. In 1951, the historian H. Stuart Hughes\u2014grandson of the eleventh Chief Justice of the Supreme Court\u2014praised <em>The Origins of Totalitarianism<\/em> as \u201cthe product of a rigorously trained and scrupulously honest mind, impatient with easy explanations and verbal fluency.\u201d A later <em>Nation<\/em> writer, Jonathan R\u00e9e, called that \u201ca very tactful way of putting it.\u201d Hughes continued:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>It reflects the high intellectual level of the German emigration of the 1930\u2019s, which has done American thinking an inestimable service by setting a standard that the native-born have rarely been able to match. To a reader surfeited with the vacuous rhetoric that is currently doing service as the discussion of public affairs, Dr. Arendt\u2019s book comes as a salutary mental shock.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>While Hughes went on to complain that the author\u2019s \u201cunitary view of the totalitarian phenomenon causes Dr. Arendt to slur over the differences\u201d between communism and fascism, he also called <em>Origins<\/em> an \u201cunconventional history, but\u2026a magnificent effort of creative imagination.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Subsequent <em>Nation<\/em> reviews, however, identified the same faults in Arendt\u2019s writing which, as Rieff notes in his essay, invited controversy after the publication of <em>Eichmann in Jerusalem.<\/em> Reviewing 1958\u2019s <em>The Human Condition<\/em>, British philosopher Richard Peters called Arendt\u2019s distinction between labor and work \u201ccoarse and confused,\u201d while the prolific Canadian historian D.J. Goodspeed took issue with \u201cnot quite faultless\u201d logic, \u201cmistakes in history,\u201d and \u201ca lack of clarity only partly attributable to her subject\u201d in <em>On Revolution<\/em> (1963). \u201cNot all obscurity is the result of profundity,\u201d Goodspeed cautioned. \u201cAll too often in Miss Arendt\u2019s book, the sluggish flow between subject and verb is diverted and the reader is left to trace as best he can a thin trickle of assertion through a flooded swampland of redundancies, appositional phrases, pronouns of indefinite antecedent and unnecessary relative clauses.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>* * *<\/p>\n<p>More recent <em>Nation <\/em>articles on Arendt have focused on biographies and collections of letters published since her 1975 death. In contrast to von Trotta\u2019s film, which Rieff says fails \u201cto convey any sense of [Mary] McCarthy\u2019s enormously cultivated sensibility and breadth of knowledge,\u201d the philosopher Seyla Benhabib, in a 1995 review of <em>Between Friends: The Correspondence of Hannah Arendt and Mary McCarthy<\/em>, wrote:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Through their writing and lecturing, public participation and involvements, Hannah Arendt and Mary McCarthy earn their place among the few women of our tradition who have discovered, in Arendt\u2019s words, \u201cthe joys of public life\u201d of acting and speaking in common in a shared public sphere.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Unsurprisingly, another constant preoccupation of <em>Nation<\/em> writers regarding Arendt is her complicated lifelong relationship with the philosopher Martin Heidegger, whose willful collaboration with the Nazis was known at the time but the astonishing extent of which has only come to light in recent decades. Reviewing Elzbieta Ettinger\u2019s landmark 1995 study, <em>Hannah Arendt \/ Martin Heidegger<\/em>, the first book on the subject which used the long-secret correspondence between Arendt and her former lover and teacher, the critic Carlin Romano employed some amusing Heideggerian and Arendtian puns in talking about their relationship. Heidegger, Romano wrote, \u201cmade clear through a couple of notes that he had <em>Daseins<\/em> on her.\u201d In Ettinger\u2019s \u201csomewhat <em>Cosmo<\/em>-ish view,\u201d he said,<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Heidegger may not have been able to put his finger on Being, but he could always make Time for Hannah. As for Arendt\u2019s all-too-human condition of eternal loyalty, it\u2019s simply the banality of romantic obsession.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>More seriously, Romano exonerated Arendt of Ettinger\u2019s most scathing allegation: that Arendt, motivated by lingering romantic attachments to Heidegger, willingly acted as an apologist for her mentor\u2019s fascist sympathies as he tried to salvage his reputation after the war.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Given that she famously detested self-protecting intellectuals as a class by the time she fled Germany for Paris [in 1933], Arendt, if she was to forgive Heidegger after the war, must have seen him as different from the street-smart intellectual careerists she loathed. It is certainly possible, as Ettinger believes, that love blinded Arendt to decency when it came to Heidegger. In light of everything we know about Arendt and her work\u2014her \u201cgenius for friendship,\u201d her concrete acts of kindness over the years, her refugee shrewdness about people\u2019s characters, her no-nonsense recognition of man\u2019s weakness before temptation, her belief that one must act politically and communicate with others to solve social problems\u2014it\u2019s far more likely that decency, and a unique understanding of Heidegger\u2019s flaws as a man, made it possible for her to continue to love a part of him while regretting the rest.<\/p>\n<p>Ettinger\u2019s book implies that, knowing what we know now, we should respect Arendt less. This reader, for one, respects Arendt more.\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>* * *<\/p>\n<p>In the nearly seventy years since her own essays in our pages, the life and work of Hannah Arendt has been discussed and debated in <em>The Nation<\/em> possibly more than those of any other twentieth-century philosopher. (Exceptions might be Bertrand Russell and John Dewey, both of whom were also occasional <em>Nation<\/em> contributors.) One reason Arendt\u2019s writing has so interested this magazine is her reflections on the relationship between philosophy and politics, which the British philosopher (and author of a book on Heidegger) Jonathan R\u00e9e discussed in a fascinating 2006 review of three posthumously published essay collections:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Arendt had a distinctly high-minded conception of politics, seeing it not as the bureaucratic administration of collective concerns or a burdensome public duty, still less as a self-interested continuation of warfare by other means. Politics for her was a precious cultural achievement rather than a regrettable social necessity, and it involved the careful maintenance of institutions that enable people to converse freely and respectfully about the world as they see it and as they would like it to be. It was essentially concerned with problems of a kind that will never have perfect solutions, and that therefore require improvisation, invention and endless critical discussion. Politics required us to set aside all sentiments of pride, indignation, shame or resentment, as well as any pretensions to superior expertise, in order to become responsive, intelligent citizens willing to negotiate all our differences on a basis of complete equality. Politics, in short, was the opposite of totalitarianism, and it depended on an open-hearted love for \u201chuman equality\u201d\u2014for people not in the mass or in the abstract but in the distinctness and idiosyncrasy of their lives and the infinite variety of their perceptions. It was more like a serene philosophical seminar than a self-interested struggle for power, and it was not so much a means to human happiness as the pith and substance of it.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>R\u00e9e argued that was a somewhat na\u00efve conception of politics, and that this naivet\u00e9 helped explain some of Arendt\u2019s more controversial writings, like 1959\u2019s \u201cReflections on Little Rock,\u201d which described federal attempts at desegregation of public schools as, in R\u00e9e\u2019s words, \u201ca fateful step\u2026toward totalitarianism.\u201d It does not take much to extrapolate from the last paragraph of his essay an explanation of Arendt\u2019s problematic conclusions about Eichmann and defense of the unrepentant Heidegger:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>It never seems to have occurred to Arendt that if she sniffed Platonic condescension toward politics wherever she looked, it might be because it emanated from her. If she was as keen on the purity of politics as Plato was on the purity of philosophy, it was perhaps because politics as she conceived it was little more than philosophy by another name: a gracious art of respectful, self-critical listening that must always be allowed to take its time. But politics is also about emergencies, catastrophes and deadlines, and if it embodies a set of high republican principles of the kind that Arendt championed, it also contains much else: on the one hand a mass of more or less efficient administrative routines, and on the other elements of compulsion, folly and delusion, or\u2014as Marx would put it\u2014of tragedy and farce. She may have been right to defend the \u201cpromise of politics\u201d against our reckless hopes and fears; but she should also have remembered that promises are often broken.\n<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>* * *<\/p>\n<p><em>Subscribers to <\/em>The Nation <em>can access our fully searchable digital archive, which contains thousands of historic articles, essays and reviews, letters to the editor and editorials dating back to July 6, 1865.<\/em>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=354\">The Framework for the Iran Peace Deal Means Total Humiliation for Trump<\/a><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<footer>\n<ul>\n<li>\n<p>                Submit a correction<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>                Send a letter to the editor<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>                Reprints &amp; permissions<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div>\n<div>\n<h2><i>Support <\/i>The Nation<i>\u2019s June Fundraising Campaign<\/i><\/h2>\n<p>With the midterm elections now firmly upon us, the question is whether Democratic candidates will do more than merely occupy ballot lines as mild alternatives to the red-hot crisis that is Donald Trump.<\/p>\n<p>As Trump spends over $1 billion a day on a globally destabilizing war on Iran and admits that he doesn\u2019t \u201cthink about Americans\u2019 financial situation,\u201d millions across the country are struggling with the surging costs of essentials. 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I hope you\u2019ll donate today.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=352\">Claire Valdez Is Making All the Right Enemies<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Onward, <\/p>\n<p><span>Katrina vanden Heuvel<br \/>Editor and Publisher, <i><span>The Nation<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p><span> Jos\u00e9 Sanchez<\/span>Jos\u00e9 Sanchez\u2019s writing has also appeared in <em>n+1<\/em> and <em>Jacobin<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>\n<\/div>\n<p><input\/><br \/>\n<input\/><br \/>\n<\/footer>\n<\/article>\n<p>Ad Policy<br \/>\n<!-- <a class=\"inifiniteLoader\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"\/images\/new_infi_loader.gif\" alt=\"\" \/><\/a> -->\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/article>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Nation Magazine<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":357,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-358","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - 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