{"id":161,"date":"2026-06-02T15:10:24","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T15:10:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=161"},"modified":"2026-06-02T15:10:24","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T15:10:24","slug":"the-troubled-history-of-charlottesville","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/atlaslivingmedia.com\/?p=161","title":{"rendered":"The Troubled History of Charlottesville"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

When Joe Biden ran for president in 2020, among the reasons he cited for his campaign\u2019s very purpose was the 2017 \u201cUnite the Right\u201d rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, which culminated in the tragic murder of Heather Heyer. She was killed by the speeding car of a Donald Trump\u2013supporting neo-Nazi named James Fields Jr. Then-President Trump refused to denounce the right-wing activists who\u2019d held the rally, more or less, in his name and said that there \u201cwere very fine people on both sides.\u201d Liberals were aghast. What was also shocking, according to the mainstream press, was that this hate-fest could have taken place in the genteel college town of Charlottesville.<\/p>\n

Read more From Universities to the Vatican, the AI Backlash Can\u2019t Be Ignored<\/a><\/p>\n

\n

Books in review<\/h3>\n
\n
\n

Charlottesville: An American Story<\/h4>\n


\n by Deborah Baker<\/span>
\n<\/span>
\nBuy this book\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Nearly a decade later, the infamous footage from the rally\u2014such as the tiki-torch-toting extremists chanting \u201cJews will not replace us!\u201d\u2014has faded into the background as the second Trump regime enacts its authoritarian agenda through ICE raids, attacks on the \u201cDEI\u201d boogeyman, and a wholesale dismantling of the welfare state. And yet while Charlottesville might seem like just one more awful spectacle among the many we\u2019ve been forced to witness, it was arguably a key prefigurative moment of the 2010s, one that ushered in our current state of affairs. Yet its importance has been sidelined amid the quotidian exhibitions of violence and gleeful cruelty that the Trump administration has committed or permitted; the daily assaults on our collective dignity by the MAGA movement have made it difficult to remember the horrors of the recent past as well as the popular resistance to them.<\/p>\n

Deborah Baker\u2019s Charlottesville: An American Story <\/em>is an in-depth, forensic, and panoramic view of the long road to the Unite the Right rally. Through meticulous detective work and journalistic narrative, Baker shows us that the effort to unite the right goes back decades, incubated alongside Charlottesville\u2019s history of harboring anti-Black reactionaries. After all, looming over the town is Monticello, the estate of the University of Virginia\u2019s founder, Thomas Jefferson. Jefferson, who spoke loftily about liberal ideals like reason and liberty, also (as we all ought to know at this point) owned enslaved Black people and, through rape, fathered children by an enslaved woman named Sally Hemings. Baker looks at the self-satisfying glow of Monticello and the politesse it casts on the city below, revealing the sordid underbelly of the city\u2019s legacy of racial hatred, segregation, and subjugation.<\/p>\n

There is something all too American, Baker argues, about believing that bucolic scenery and bourgeois pretensions can keep the repressed and foundational histories of this country\u2019s utmost oppressions at bay. Though often weighed down by their encyclopedic density, the book\u2019s numerous character studies untangle seemingly everything about Charlottesville through the four centuries of its existence, from the town\u2019s colonial-era settlement, founded in racial enslavement, to 20th-century UVA professors espousing eugenics, to the small-town activists who violently fought against court-mandated desegregation orders. By doing so, Baker makes it clear that no one should be surprised that this town was the same place a murderous right-wing rally took place in the 21st century.<\/p>\n

The first and second parts of Charlottesville: An American Story<\/em> deal with the historical backdrop, and the book\u2019s third and final part concentrates on the days before and during the rally itself. Between the first and second parts is an interlude titled \u201cThe Heart of Whiteness,\u201d which centers on a white Charlottesville resident who seems like an early-20th-century forerunner to Richard Spencer. Similarly, a final interlude before the third part, titled \u201cA School of Backward Southern Whites,\u201d is about a heroic and compellingly flawed white woman who resembles something of an earlier Heather Heyer. It is a curious narrative and structural choice to put the carts before the horses here, introducing contemporaries in the beginning before delving into the history and antecedents, back and forth, over and over again. A more linear and chronological argumentation could have been useful for readers. To her credit, Baker has centered the bulk of the book\u2019s recurring characters not on the headline-grabbing, bumbling far-right nitwits like Spencer and other nationwide hate figures, but on a charming cast of little-known left-wing activists and organizers who call Charlottesville home. Introduced in the first part of the book are the likes of Wes Bellamy and Zyahna Bryant. Bellamy, a Black man, arrived in Charlottesville in 2009 to work as a computer science teacher before launching a quixotic campaign for City Council; he was sarcastically nicknamed \u201cFresh Prince\u201d and mistrusted by the locals, who saw him as something of an attention-seeking carpetbagger, though he eventually did win public office. Bryant, at that time a high-school freshman, had called upon then\u2013Vice Mayor Bellamy to take down the statue of Gen. Robert E. Lee in a public park. She was precocious and iron-willed, someone \u201csustained\u201d by the Black church who was impelled to embrace a life of activism after the murder of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman. Baker mentions dozens and dozens of others in this book, yet paradoxically, their moving biographies often get lost in the forest of names, dates, archival evidence, and so forth. Sometimes a discriminating eye has its noble uses\u2014though thankfully, Baker does provide a helpful list of the book\u2019s 105 characters.<\/p>\n

Baker devotes the book\u2019s interludes to just one person each. The first, \u201cThe Heart of Whiteness,\u201d traces the entanglement of the liberal intelligentsia and baldfaced white supremacism in the figure of John Kasper, a 26-year-old graduate of Columbia University. Kasper arrived in Virginia in 1956, months after the state\u2019s \u201cMassive Resistance\u201d movement tried, and failed, to convince the state government to pass laws banning desegregation. Like so many young, alienated white men, Kasper joined the feverish politics of white backlash. Raised in New Jersey, he was an intellectual jack-of-all-trades, admiring tough-talking men of various politics, from Machiavelli to Stalin and, most prominently, Ezra Pound. The Mussolini-loving Pound, who advocated for Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany from an Italian radio station during World War II, was brought back to the United States and committed to an asylum in Washington, DC, in 1945. Kasper began aping Pound\u2019s worldview in this period, combining old-fashioned European antisemitism with thoroughly American anti-Blackness, estranging former colleagues and friends in bohemian Greenwich Village. Possessed of a \u201csmoldering charisma\u201d and described by the New York Herald Tribune<\/em> as a \u201cHollywood version of the All-American boy,\u201d Kasper would team up with a UVA student to burn crosses on the lawns of Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren and Justice Felix Frankfurter. <\/p>\n

Like the well-groomed and respectable fascists of today, Kasper had the looks and charisma that charmed audiences and disarmed elites. Kasper and his ilk chose to decamp to Charlottesville as a battleground because the NAACP had done so as well. Future Supreme Court justice Thurgood Marshall, then the chief counsel of the NAACP\u2019s Legal Defense and Educational Fund, had sued Charlottesville\u2019s school authorities over its segregated schools, recognizing the city\u2019s importance. Baker writes, \u201cOn Marshall\u2019s side were seventy students whose families were willing to risk their livelihoods for their children\u2019s education.\u201d The Charlottesville chapter of the NAACP had grown into the Commonwealth\u2019s largest. Kasper\u2019s far-right rabble-rousing earned him the loyalty of a notorious circle of like-minded racists, with one associate credited with writing George Wallace\u2019s \u201cSegregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever\u201d speech, while others were involved, Baker writes, in \u201ceighty-eight bombing incidents in the Deep South between 1955 and 1960.\u201d Despite Kasper\u2019s agitations, Charlottesville\u2019s schools would become fully integrated in 1962. Still, as a figure, Kasper is interesting because he is emblematic of the type of person that Richard Spencer represents, which makes for one of Baker\u2019s most convincing historical parallels: telegenic all-American men with educational pedigrees and preppy backgrounds who, alienated from the polite societies they were being groomed to join, fall from grace to become an uglier, less respectable type of white supremacist.<\/p>\n

\u201cA School for Backward Southern Whites,\u201d the book\u2019s second interlude, is about Patty Boyle, a high-born and pious Virginian woman with a clergyman father who was raised on a plantation, a grandfather who was General Lee\u2019s scout, and another grandfather who was a colonel under Thomas \u201cStonewall\u201d Jackson. Boyle was \u201cmoonlight and magnolias\u201d personified: In her 40s and married to a UVA professor, she began a campaign to welcome the law school\u2019s first Black student, Gregory Swanson, believing it to be the Christian thing to do. Boyle wanted sincerely to greet him with open arms and argued in local newspapers about how Virginia\u2019s best should treat \u201cour Negroes.\u201d (Her campaign, despite its good intentions, was still tone deaf.) Yet Boyle\u2019s white upper-crust milieu soon began to turn on her. As Kasper stormed around town denouncing the \u201cred-controlled Supreme Court,\u201d posters appeared targeting Boyle and other local \u201chomos, perverts, freaks\u201d and \u201chot eyed Socialists.\u201d Eventually, Boyle found a cross burning in her front yard and would be radicalized by her estrangement from the community. She was praised in Martin Luther King Jr.\u2019s \u201cLetter From a Birmingham Jail\u201d; she participated in the March on Washington; her 1962 autobiography, The Desegregated Heart<\/em>, became a national bestseller; and she was even jailed for the first time, for three days, in St. Augustine, Florida, in June 1964 for protesting against segregation at the Monson Motor Lodge. When desegregation came to Charlottesville, she began to be seen as a courageous rebel, and she joined a Black church that she tithed for the rest of her life. Patty Boyle led the kind of life that Heather Heyer was robbed of.<\/p>\n

Read more The Search for BP\u2019s Oil<\/a><\/p>\n

The third part of Charlottesville: An American Story<\/em> flows from a trove of citations, and it attempts, often deftly so, to express in writing what has been seen countless times in tweets and videos. Baker acknowledges the narrative difficulties of channeling thousands of social media posts into a neatly organized retelling: \u201cTo portray the multiple, nearly simultaneous, explosions of violence that took place in and around the park is a near impossibility,\u201d she writes. One wonders if this is a methodological issue with doing historical work concerning a recent past that lives on millions of phones and in terabytes of ephemeral data.<\/p>\n

The road to the Unite the Right rally began at the start of 2017, when an unknown, directionless, and fame-seeking local blogger and UVA alum named Jason Kessler began attacking Black community leaders and the city\u2019s Jewish mayor for voting to remove Confederate statuary in the city. And the rally in Charlottesville was generated from the energy of two other events earlier in the year: the Battle of Berkeley in February, which was sparked by Milo Yiannopoulos coming to town, and a violent protest in Pikeville, Kentucky, that was spearheaded by Matthew Heimbach and his Traditionalist Workers Party. After Berkeley and Pikeville, Richard Spencer held a nighttime gathering in Charlottesville in May to protest what he had seen as an affront to white heritage and civil rights. Here, Kessler \u201cnetworked furiously\u201d\u2014he later reached out to Heimbach, Spencer, and others over Discord, 4chan, and so on. It wouldn\u2019t be long before the next Charlottesville rally would get a name and a date: Unite the Right, on August 12, 2017. Although Kessler had been struggling for weeks without success to obtain a permit, authorities allowed the rally to proceed as planned, even with the unannounced torchlight rally at UVA occurring the night before.<\/p>\n

Before and during the rally, state and local police ignored repeated warnings of gun-toting, \u201cSieg<\/em> heil!<\/em>\u201d\u2013ing street fighters descending from around the country. The Charlottesville cops had been meeting with the fascist provocateurs for weeks leading up to the rally, negotiating with them to keep the protests relatively civil. As for the liberals, they haplessly sang songs and clasped hands on the day of the rally in the face of Confederate-flag-waving neo-Nazis and other far-right militants more heavily armed than the cops themselves. They were quickly driven off the streets, while anti-fascists and other leftists engaged the far right with ferocity. Cops stood idly by as the counterprotesters, left and liberal alike, were assaulted, including the near-lynching of a 20-year-old Black man named DeAndre Harris in a parking garage \u201cliterally next door to the Charlottesville Police Department\u201d by a Proud Boy and six other fascists. An eleventh-hour declaration of the hate-fest as an unlawful assembly rang hollow: By that point, punches had landed, epithets and slurs had been hurled, smoke bombs and chemical sprays were already unleashed, and there was an ambient bloodlust in the air.<\/p>\n

Ultimately, and monstrously, a car driven by James Fields Jr. sped into a crowd and killed Heather Heyer, a dedicated paralegal and charming waitress. A passionate, hardscrabble defender of working people like herself, Heyer\u2019s last words on Facebook read: \u201cIf you\u2019re not outraged, you\u2019re not paying attention.\u201d Even after the half-hearted damage control that Trump attempted after his \u201cboth sides\u201d comment, no White House officials showed up for Heyer\u2019s memorial service.<\/p>\n

Since Heyer\u2019s murder, some Unite the Right participants have risen to greater stardom or notoriety, while others have fallen into obscurity and imprisonment. Jason Kessler, who helped organize the rally, attempted a failed sequel in Charlottesville a year later, which was undone by infighting on the right. Richard Spencer and other leaders distanced themselves from Kessler, and Heyer\u2019s murder, altogether; Spencer had fallen so low that he was reported by Jezebel<\/em> in 2022 to be on Bumble, describing himself as a \u201cmoderate.\u201d As for the little-known rank-and-filers at the rally and the sympathizers throughout the country who followed events with approval on their screens, quite a few ended up at the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, including members of paramilitary and street-fighting groups like the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers. White-nationalist figures, such as the Internet personalities Nick Fuentes and Anthime Gionet (better known as \u201cBaked Alaska\u201d), were also prominent at both. And another common through line between the explosion of far-right violence in 2017 and in 2021 is Trump\u2019s tacit approval. Charlottesville and January 6 reveal how far-right paramilitaries outside the state machinery and elements within the state are connecting with each other and maturing. Many of the goals that animated the 2017 tiki-torch wielders, from mass deportations to authoritarian power grabs, are coming to fruition under Trump 2.0. <\/p>\n

Despite being markedly unpopular on nearly every issue, from kleptocratic malfeasance to a metastasizing cost-of-living crisis, MAGA has faced no real opposition. Like the Democratic officials in Charlottesville who repeatedly ignored the threat from violent right-wing reactionaries, the Democratic Party establishment is proving itself to be just as ineffective. Asleep at the congressional wheel, the likes of Hakeem Jeffries and Charles Schumer prefer to scapegoat and castigate the party\u2019s left flank or participate in photo ops with Benjamin Netanyahu, who is carrying out the ultimate goal of far rightists the world over: illiberal attacks on representative and judicial institutions, ethnic cleansing, and, finally, genocide. If Biden truly reckoned with the legacy of Charlottesville, how can we explain all the mass carnage he permitted in Gaza? Liberals and centrists, from 2017 till now, from Charlottesville\u2019s local government to the upper echelons of the Democratic Party, have stumbled and fallen over their commitments to moderation\u2014misapprehending the threat of authoritarianism and enabling its growing strength. And because of liberalism\u2019s failures, Charlottesville has come to the Oval Office.<\/p>\n

Read more From Universities to the Vatican, the AI Backlash Can\u2019t Be Ignored<\/a><\/p>\n<\/article>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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